Three Murders and a Lynching
Special ContributionBy Ram Puniyani
Anti Sikh massacre 1984
Laws of nature cannot be applied to human society so directly. Still sometimes these have been used to explain-justify social catastrophes, “When a big tree falls. Earth shakes (in the aftermath of anti Sikh massacre 1984), ‘every action has equal and opposite reaction’ (during Gujarat carnage of 2002) are too well known. I have been very puzzled from last month or so since the scholars-writers, who have returned their honors and are being questioned as to why they did not do so when emergency happened or anti Sikh violence took place or when the mass migration of Kashmiri pundits took place or when the Mumbai train blasts killed hundreds of innocent lives. I am tempted to think of the laws of physics of ‘qualitative transformation’ during heating or cooling of water, the temperature remains the same but water becomes either steam or ice.
When Dr. Dabholkar, Com Pansare and then Prof Kalburgi were killed over a period of months, the danger signals started being perceived but still it took the beef lynching of Mohammad Akhlaq to give a message that something has drastically changed in the society , and the spate of returning of Sahiya Academy, National and state, awards followed in quick succession. Their protest was against the rising intolerance in the society. The incidents that followed and ran parallel to these ‘award-returns’ were equally horrific. The killing of a trucker on the assumption that he is carrying cows for slaughter; beating of a MLA in Kashmir Assembly by BJP legislatures and the scattered incidents of attacks on Muslims on the ground of beef consumption are too striking. We are currently facing a situation where anybody can incite the violence by just uttering the word beef, while seeing mutton or some such thing. We are living in an atmosphere where cow cannot be shooed away even if she is blocking the traffic.
The viciousness of atmosphere is not lost on the social perceptions. The insecurity of minorities has gone up by leaps and bounds. One knows that since the present NDA regime came to power all those ‘spewing hate’ are working overtime. For one Akbaruddudin Owaisi there is an army of Sakshi Mahraj, Sadhvis, Yogis and what have you. This army of mostly saffron robed or the one’s with the association with Hindu Nationalist politics has high position within their political combine, what is known as Sangh Parivar. The prime Minister himself had exerted the Hindu youth to emulate Maharana Pratap to save the honor of Mother cow during the election speeches. During this last over one year, words like Haramjades (illegitimate) have been used with gay abandon. On the mere suspicion; a Pune techie Mohsin Shaikh was done to death. Serial attacks on Churches were passed off as thefts, the love jihad bogey was kept alive and the likes of Yogi Adityanath, the top BJP leader from UP, stated that for every one Hindu girl marrying a Muslim, Hindus should bring 100 Muslim girls. Muslim youth have been barred from participating in festivals like Navaratri. Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, the BJP’s Muslim face advised those wanting to eat beef to go to Pakistan. The glorification of Mahatma’s killer Godse has been stepped up and temples are being planned in his memory, while a BJP MP from Kerala stated that Godse was right but he chose a wrong target. Atmosphere of communal violence has gone up in a big way during the preceding year.
Even after the awards started being returned the BJP leadership looked down upon the writers/scholars and overlooked the phenomenon which has lead to returning of awards. To mock these writers Buddhi Shuddhi puja path (purification of intellect ritual) has been organized and BJP spokespersons are humiliating them in talk shows with all their ferocity. To cap it all the Haryana Chief Minister, an old RSS pracharak, said that Muslims can live here but only if they will give up beef eating. No doubt the BJP Chief Amit Shah has talked to some of these leaders behind the close doors, but that does seem to be a mock drill as the leaders concerned did say that they went to meet their chief for some other reasons and none of them gave any serious apology.
Disturbed by what is going on, the President Pranab Mukherjee on three occasions urged the nation to uphold, pluralism, the core civilizational value of the country and to uphold tolerance. The Vice President Hamid Ansari reminded the Government that it is the duty of the state to uphold the ‘right to life’ of citizens. The index of the changing social atmosphere is reflected by the statements of two outstanding citizens of the country. Julio Reibero, the top cop, expressed his pain and anguish by saying that “as a Christian suddenly I feel stranger in my own country.” And the renowned actor Naseeruddin Shah had to point out that “Have never been aware of my identity as a Muslim until now.”
These are not ordinary times. The values of pluralism and tolerance have been pushed to the margins. With this Government in power all the wings of communal politics, the RSS affiliates, have unleashed themselves in full blast. Communalism is not just the number of deaths due to violence, it is much more. The foundation of this violence begins with the manufacture of perceptions about the religious minorities. These perceptions based on history and some selective aspects of present society are given an anti human tilt and interpretation. This is used to create hatred for the minorities and that’s where the communal elements can unleash violence either as a massive violence like Gujarat or Mumbai or Bhagalpur or Muzzafarnagar or the one in Dadri. This creates the divides in society which over a period of time is converted into polarization. And polarization is the foundation of electoral strength of party wanting a nation in the name of religion. As per Yale study, the communal violence is the vehicle which strengthens BJP at electoral level.
Communalism has been planted in India over a century and a half ago. The British policy of ‘divide and rule’ used communal historiography as a major weapon. This type of interpretation of history was picked up by communal organizations and given an anti Hindu or anti Muslim tilt and gradually this has been strengthened after every act of violence which has been the outcome of their politics. The present phase is the one where the cup of communalism is spilling out from its earlier levels or boundaries. The intensity of ‘Hate’ constructed around temple destructions, love jihad has been supplemented by the oft used tool of beef. In the present situation where the divisive elements, who are in center stage of politics also know that they are safe and secure as the present Government precisely wants what they are doing, their contrary posturing notwithstanding.
The present combination of the Government guided by the ideology of Hindu nationalism and the ‘fringe elements’ having same ideology, has a vast network and with a wide reach. This party has the advantage that mostly it does not have to dirty its hands in the local agenda of sectarian nationalism, and so there are many elements which can do the local work for dividing the society. The so called fringe elements now are occupying the center stage, and so the ‘qualitative change’ in the situation. The flood of awards being returned is due to the situation created by deeper communalization of society. This is manifested in growing intolerance, attack on plurality and is leading to the insecurity of minorities, which has qualitatively transcended the earlier limits. The question is how to uphold the values of Indian Constitution in the current times?
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Modi - Naidu must answer, whose and at what cost capital AP capital city being built?
Modi(R) and Naidu
NAPM Concludes its three day National Chintan Shivir in Hyderabad, Vows to Defeat Corporate Loot and Communal Forces Hyderabad | 19th October, 2015: Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Chandrababu Naidu, the CM of Andhra Pradesh are to inaugurate the capital city on 22nd of October, spending Rs. 300 crores. At whose cost and what cost, this endeavor is pushed and still being imposed, is a big question. The capital is a game of the capitalists, including real estate developers who are in nexus with the politicians. It being at the cost of the best of agriculture and horticulture which would bring in severe destruction of livelihood and contribute to food insecurity.
The Government of Andhra Pradesh decided to establish a green field capital city between Vijayawada and Guntur cities, in a 122 sq kilometre area by acquiring prime agricultural land on the bank of river Krishna. The Government has also planned to develop the capital region in a 7068 sq. kilometres area. The capital city is promised and claimed to be developed as a liveable, environmentally sustainable and people’s capital. The core capital region alone will displace around 90,000 marginal farmers, lease holders, agricultural workers, fisher people and other unorganised labour classes. The latter compose 80% of the population in the area. While the land lords will be getting residential plots, a commercial plot and yearly compensation for every acre surrendered, the landless will be left with a paltry Rs. 2500/- per month as ‘Pension’. Our enquiries have shown that a large number of landless families have not been included in the enumeration of affected families. Tenements in large numbers have lost their means of livelihood. Their children are dropping out of colleges because their parents can no more afford to pay for their education.
If Amaravati is to be a People’s Capital as the Government claims it to be, then everyone, especially the unorganised working classes should have a right to the City as well as development both. They have a right to land, housing and other resources just like the landlords so that they are able to live with dignity and earn their livelihood in the new capital. The paltry Rs.2500/- as Pension promised for the landless working classes will make them ‘beggars’. We demand that the land less working class families who are threatened to be deprived of their livelihood are paid Rs. 15000/- per month for the next ten years, with an annual increment of 10 per cent. Every family unit of the landless affected by the new capital must be included for such compensation with the government taking adequate care so that no one is excluded from such benefit.
NAPM questions this paradigm of development, Modi-Naidu model of urbanisation and undemocratic, unsustainable development planning. We will support the farmers and labourers who are refusing to give land and those who are deprived and destitute citizens. NAPM concluded its three day Chintan Baithak at Hyderabad attended by its National Conveners and Senior Activists from 15 States. The meeting expressed deep concerns at the ongoing situation in the country and formulated a number of programmes in coming months and passed the following resolutions.
November 19 – 20 : Bhumi Adhikaar Andolan Coordination Committee Meeting, New Delhi. December 6 – 7 : National Convention and Public Hearing on Communal Violence and Religious Fundamentalism. January 10, 2016 : Samajwadi Samagam National Committee Meeting, Delhi. January 11 : Conference on “Land Rights, Community Control of Natural Resources and Development”, Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh.
Resolution Supporting Dissenting Writers and Performers... National Alliance of People’s Movements [NAPM] salutes the resilient spirit of all the writers and performers who returned the national awards, protesting against the shrinking space for difference of opinion, dissent which is happening on a daily basis directly through the different groups associated with those in power. It is also a statement to the institutions created, which were created to perform functions responding to the conscience to society. NAPM reiterates the demands that the government must reassure the community of writers and artists that its ministers are tolerant of diverse views. Also, it must ensure that the investigations into the murders of M M Kalburgi, Narendra Dabholkar and Govind Pansare are conducted fairly and expediently and their killers are brought to justice.
We express our discontent in the strongest words especially about the inadequate response by the Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as well as the irresponsible statements made by the other Ministers in the Cabinet ridiculing the protests against this inaction from various quarters. In a diverse country, imposition of irrational beliefs of vested interests in a dominant community on individuals and communities is definitely against the spirit of the values and the freedom enshrined in the Constitution. The State is obliged to ensure the spirit and the values guaranteed by the Constitution in the day-to-day lives of the people rather than subverting the spirit of the Constitution itself by violating the basic freedom of communities daily. This is a timely reminder by the fraternity once again standing upto the power stating ‘What right do you have to remain silent’?
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OHCHR Investigation contributes to reconciliation and justice development in Sri Lanka
Sep 29, 2015
Seya Sadewmi(cener)
The Investigation Report issued by the Office of the United Nation’s High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) dated 16th September 2015, is the most comprehensive report on human rights issued by any international or national agency to date. It is comprehensive and balanced. If implemented it could lead to considerable positive developments in Sri Lanka. This 261 page report sums up some of the most serious problems relating to the rule of law and the administration of justice that have arisen over a considerable period of time. Although the period relevant to the Report is from 2002-2011, it in fact reflects the development over four decades, on the collapse of law and democracy in all related institutions. The report also presents detailed recommendations for the pursuit of reconciliation and administration of justice in Sri Lanka.
Subject matter of the report centres on violations of international human rights law, international humanitarian law, and international criminal law. These violations are analysed in detail with a long list of basic themes. They include unlawful killings, allegations of extra judicial executions in the final phase of the armed conflict, violations relating to the deprivation of liberty, enforced disappearances, torture and other forms of cruel and inhuman degrading treatment, sexual and gender based violence, abduction of adults and forced recruitment, recruitment of and the use of children in hostilities, control of movement, denial of humanitarian assistance, screening and the deprivation of liberty of internally displaced persons. What makes the report most relevant is the examination of the manner in which justice is dispensed and accountability ensured. A critical exposure of failures of administration of justice at all levels, and the failure to ensure accountability at all levels, is a valuable contribution to the impasse that the country is facing. The report, while giving details of individual instances of crime, establishes the patterns of occurrence of these crimes, thereby pointing to the systemic factors that have made these crimes possible. It brings up the issue of command responsibility. It points to the planning of these crimes, and the prevention of investigations into these crimes. They are not merely violations of individual perpetrators, but by persons who bear responsibility at each level, including the highest political echelons.
In the same manner, the report has looked into the accountability of state security forces. It examines the responsibility of the LTTE and other relevant groups, from the point of view of accountability as to crimes committed by them. This demonstrates that the report has kept to its scope on violations of international human rights law, international humanitarian law, and international criminal law only. Whoever has committed these crimes are made accountable for these crimes. What comes out clearly from this report is that although its immediate scope is the commission of crimes by security forces and the LTTE, it reveals a situation that exists in Sri Lanka which goes far beyond the conflict between the government and the LTTE. The violations of international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international criminal law, are equally relevant to earlier instances such as the 1987 (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna), JVP uprising and its repression as well as the second uprising of the JVP from the 1988 to 1991. In both these instances a similar or more extensive list of crimes, could have been recorded. Apart from what is specific to the conflict with the LTTE, is that this report points to a pattern of commission of crimes, which has repeated itself many times in the past. So, from the point of view of overcoming the recurrence of such patterns, this report can be of the greatest value.
The recommendations proposed for ensuring accountability, can provide renewed opportunities. They will help to address the larger problem affecting the collapse of institutions of justice and the failure of good governance, due to the lack of enforcement of accountability. For example, the talk of hybrid courts, bringing in judges, prosecutors and lawyers and other legal experts from commonwealth and other jurisdictions is a necessity. It will deal with the specific issues of the recent conflict but also re-establish the independence of the judicial institutions. It can create credibility for the Attorney General’s Department, in the modernisation of the Sri Lanka’s policing system and the upgrading of the quality of discipline in the armed forces. A wave of some barbaric crimes, such as the cruel rape and murder of the child Seya Sadewmi, created a massive, popular protest-some even calling for reintroduction of the death penalty. What such demands demonstrate is the widespread frustration that prevailed throughout Sri Lanka in the failure of the administration of justice and in the enforcement of the law. Re-introducing the death sentence is of course no solution to this colossal problem. However, strict enforcement of the recommendations that have been put forward by the international community through this Report and the proposed resolution, can go a long way in reconstructing basic institutions of justice and accountability.
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BURMA’S NATIONWIDE CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT: JUST SAY NO!
Sep 11, 2015
Min Aung Hlaing
The Ethnic Armed Organization leaders have just concluded a meeting with Burma’s military dictatorship, and now they are being pressured to agree to yet another meeting, this time for the NCA signing, and without having had their demands for inclusiveness or a functional and verifiable ceasefire satisfied. Not only that, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing even went so far as to shout his contempt for the ethnic nationality peoples. Instead of attending the meeting, he went shopping in Israel for new weapons systems with which to attack the ethnic armed groups. Talk about nerve (and shame on Israel!): Demanding a ceasefire at the same time that you shop for new weapons to use when you break it.
The actions of the ethnic traitors notwithstanding (Mutu Say Poe, Kwe Htoo Win, Harn Yawnghwe, Htoo Htoo Lay, etc.), it is beyond belief that anyone reasonable would choose to sign now. In addition to the blatant regime aggression - attacks on at least four different EAO units on the day of the Naypyidaw meeting (no doubt approved personally by Min Aung Hlaing), there is also the election to consider. Aung San Suu Kyi has counseled the EAOs to be careful about signing, and only to sign when they are certain that the ceasefire will yield a durable peace. More importantly - and also less widely recognized, she further said that if the NLD wins the election (on its own or with other pro-democracy parties), it will be supportive of the ethnic nationality concerns.
Her message couldn’t be more obvious. Sign now with your sworn enemy and who can never be trusted, or wait until after the election to talk to us, your friend and ally, and together we will achieve not only peace but a functioning federal democracy.
What a choice! It couldn’t be simpler than choosing between putting your hand in a fire and eating ice cream. It’s not even a choice at all. Also, if the regime steals the election, then of course in retrospect it will have been a mistake to sign. By not signing now, not only will the EAOs put themselves in a position to talk to someone who is actually reasonable, they will guard against making this mistake.
Moreover, in the event that the election is stolen, this will end the hope that this path can lead to democracy. With that issue settled, the EAOs, the NLD and the other pro-democracy parties, and all the people of Burma, can finally unite to achieve freedom and democracy, and using means that really have a chance of success. Given this choice, what would a reasonable person do? Sign now even though there is no trust and a virtual guarantee that the Burma Army will break the ceasefire, or wait until the path to freedom becomes clear?
What happens in the next two months with the NCA and the election will shape the future of Burma for years if not decades to come. The dictatorship and its international diplomatic cronies understand this only too well. That is why they are pushing the EAOs so hard. Signing now, before the election, means surrender, no less than waiving a white flag.
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AN APPEAL TO BURMA’S ETHNIC NATIONALITY LEADERS
Special ContributionBy Roland Watson(dictatorwatch)
Aug 27, 2015
KIO army
Dear Ethnic Nationality Leaders,
Congratulations on holding firm on the position that all the ethnic armed groups must be able to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. You are undoubtedly under enormous pressure to surrender on this, and your adherence to your principles has been laudatory. Well done.
I don’t envy being in your shoes. Burma’s military dictatorship; its proxies such as MPC and the regime’s business cronies; international diplomats - notably from Europe, the U.S., Japan, Singapore and Thailand; international business executives; “power-brokers,” starting with Harn Yawnghwe and EBO; academics; and innumerable soft-headed journalists and commentators, are all trying to persuade you to give up, to accept the idea that you can never be free. They want you to abandon your one overriding objective, which is even written into many of your names, such as Kachin INDEPENDENCE Army, Karen National LIBERATION Army, etc., and instead accept nothing less than perpetual military rule and military-owned development - in your lands! Even more, you have been offered lucrative bribes, both direct and indirect, and which some of your supposed compatriots unfortunately have been willing to take.
In the face of this withering assault, we, meaning everyone who cares about Burma, implore you to stay resolute. It is imperative that you continue to serve your only real constituency, the ethnic nationality peoples. They have been making their voices heard, including at the meetings held by the KIO, through the appeal from the International Karen Organization, and in other ways. Their voices have been uniform: reject the NCA! With this type of backing you should have no difficulty holding your ground. It is disturbing, though, that some leaders seem to be hesitating on the idea of inclusiveness, questioning if it might be possible to accept a regime guarantee to include the six groups in dispute at a later date.
This is wishful thinking. There can never be any "guarantees." Guarantees, as just mentioned, refer to future events, and to have any confidence that they might happen you have to trust the party giving the guarantee. In this case that party is Burma's military dictatorship, meaning - ultimately - Than Shwe. Than Shwe is a racist. He is dedicated to the belief that Burma is and always should be an ultranationalist Burman State. All the other ethnic groups should always be subservient. He and his hand-picked subordinates will never permit equality.
You can therefore never trust the dictatorship! Ever! Its guarantees are worthless! Anything that you hope to accomplish in the ceasefire has to happen BEFORE you sign, including the end of Burma Army offensives and the withdrawal of BA troops. There should be no NCA, none at all, until the BA withdraws from the ethnic areas. Focusing on the issue that all the groups have to sign has actually helped the dictatorship, by diverting the EAO Senior Delegation from this crucial point. First have a real ceasefire on the ground, and then agree to the NCA, and with EVERYONE signing. This is the only way to protect the ethnic nationality peoples.
It is a mistake to go into Burma, yet again, to plead with Thein Sein and Min Aung Hlaing. It is a pointless exercise. Thein Sein and Min Aung Hlaing have no freedom to act. They are Than Shwe’s puppets. If you are not going to meet him personally, there is no reason to go, and even if you were there is still no reason to go since the racist dictator is your sworn enemy. His preferred solution is nothing less than the extermination of all the ethnic nationalities, excepting a corps of villagers to work as factory, fishing and agricultural slaves, and perhaps also excepting the Rakhine, since they have so enthusiastically joined his genocidal war against the Rohingya.
I imagine you are thinking that the upcoming meeting will be a showdown - that you can demand the Tatmadaw agree to your demands immediately, or else. If the answer is No, which is no doubt what you expect, you can then announce to the world, definitively, “We tried.” You can then in turn, and finally, put the NCA negotiation aside, continue with your preparations and operations against regime attacks, and like everyone else wait and see how the dictatorship actually steals the November election.
I understand what you are trying to do, but it is still a futile exercise. It will not win you any credits with the International Community. It is far better to stick to your demands, and never to waver. The world understands determination, commitment and courage. Indeed, it is the only thing it understands, or respects. Boiling all of this down, there is really only one point to be made: In this daunting and historic hour, be democratic. Listen to and serve your people.
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BURMA’S CEASEFIRE NEGOTIATION - WHAT HAPPENS NEXT?
Special ContributionBy Roland Watson(dictatorwatch)
Aug 9, 2015
Ta'ang National Liberation Army
It’s great news that the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement was not finalized last week. Apparently, though, the talks will continue, and soon, between the dictatorship and representatives from five of the Ethnic Armed Organizations. The ethnic nationalities are under extraordinary pressure to sign. However, they should stay firm and say, quite simply: “We will talk when you are ready to compromise - on the Constitution and federalism and democracy; on ending Burma Army attacks; and on withdrawing Burma Army troops. Not before.” All they have to say is No. It’s really not that difficult.
To give an illustration of this, the Obama Administration recently concluded a negotiation with Iran to end its nuclear program. There is immense pressure, certainly within the Democratic Party, but really for everyone, to accept the deal, since the goal of not having a nuclear-armed Iran is so important. But, one of the leading Democratic senators, Chuck Schumer, and who is an Obama ally, said that he will not support it. (Congress must approve the agreement.) His reason is that the current deal will put Iran in a favorable position after ten years to quickly obtain a nuclear weapon. He is concerned that what seems to be a breakthrough today may well become a fiasco in the not too distant future. (Note: I’m not affirming Senator Schumer’s position - I’m not informed enough on the issue. I just wanted to applaud his courage.)
Politically, it was a huge thing for the senator to take this stand, but practically, all he had to do was say No. It’s the same with the EAOs in Burma. Politically, they may worry about the propaganda that regime agents are spreading, that they are “hardliners,” merely for being unwilling to yield on their fundamental and completely rightful concerns. Nonetheless, since signing now would be terrible for the interests of their peoples, practically it should be easy to say No. There is a real risk that at the last moment the generals will allow all seventeen EAOs to sign. If I were Than Shwe, I certainly would. The dictatorship will reap a huge and one-sided victory, right before the election. The Burma Army can then break the agreement, anytime it wants.
Not only that, Burma history will then view Mutu Say Poe, Kwe Htoo Win and Sao Yawdserk as visionaries, not turncoats - the ethnic leaders who were smart enough to realize that “surrender was in the best interests of Burma,” even if it required the sacrifice of their own peoples. I may be overreacting, but the leaders of the Senior Delegation and of the EAOs themselves must understand that no matter what the dictatorship is willing to agree to, on paper, they should never sign anything until after the election process is completed and the final results are published. Having a signing ceremony before this, with international diplomats in attendance and for the world to see, will be the unambiguous end of any hope for freedom and democracy in Burma.
It also raises the question of what, if anything, the EAOs hope to gain by agreeing to an NCA now. What extra benefit do they anticipate that will not be available if they wait until November? It is further important to remember with whom they will be signing. The regime has in no way been held to account for its multitude of crimes, including recently and notoriously, the bombing at Laiza which killed twenty-three trainees, and the raping and killing of two young teachers, Maran Lu Ra and Tangbau Hkawn Nan Tsin. The military dictatorship and its soldiers and other agents now have immunity from prosecution, and they have no plans at all to give it up.
If the EAOs agree to the NCA, the ethnic nationality peoples will be doomed to continued assaults, rapes and murders, and to having dams built on their rivers, their villages flooded, their land stolen, their mountains torn up for mines, even more of their forests cut down, and few options other than to be sweatshop laborers in new industrial and contract agricultural zones. The people who run the world for the wealthy in one country after another will own Burma, too. What an unmitigated disaster. If the ethnic nationality pro-democracy resistance feels compelled to keep talking, it should focus on the core issues - conflict, human rights abuses, and democracy, and also spread the meetings out. There is no need to go every week. This only benefits the dictatorship.
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THE BURMA CEASEFIRE - WHY WOULD THE ETHNIC ARMIES SIGN NOW?
Special ContributionBy Roland Watson(dictatorwatch)
Jul 25, 2015
Arakan Army
The military dictatorship of Burma’s propaganda machine is once again spewing disinformation that a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement is close at hand. The regime is doing everything it can to create an irresistible momentum to concluding a deal before the upcoming election. It is trying to back the Ethnic Armed Organizations into a corner, even though none of the ethnic core demands, starting with peace itself, and federal democracy, will be achieved.
In the last few months, the Burma Army has launched the following military offensives and attacks: 1. Against the KIA in Kachin State near Putao; in the jade area near Hpa-Kant; near the Chinese border; and in Northern Shan State. 2. Against the TNLA in Northern Shan State. 3. Against the MNDAA in and around Kokang. 4. Against the SSA-N in Shan State. 5. Against the SSA-S in Shan State. 6. Against the UWSA in Shan State. 7. Against the DKBA in Karen State. 8. Against the AA in northern Arakan and Southern Chin States. 9. And, with countless raids against Rohingya villages and IDP camps in Arakan State.
These are the actions of a war-monger, not a peace-maker. There is no possibility - none at all - that a signed NCA will end this aggression. Rather, after the ceasefire all the Burma Army’s violence will be blamed on the EAOs. This transference of responsibility will further be accepted by the International Community, which will continue to be blinded to the true situation by its lust to exploit the country.
Also, during last week’s negotiation session, the lead dictatorship representative, Aung Min, warned that if a deal was not signed, the EAOs would then have to start over after the election with the new government that has been chosen. The EAO leaders need to consider this warning carefully, because its signaling is highly significant if not prophetic.
If the November election is held, and if it is free and fair, there is no doubt that pro-democracy parties, starting with the NLD, will receive the majority of the popular vote. This means, according to Aung Min, that the EAOs will be forced to renegotiate with these parties. However, the NLD and other elected democratic representatives (e.g., from the SNLD) will undoubtedly be much more sympathetic to the EAO positions. Indeed, using his own argument, the EAOs should absolutely wait until after the vote to continue the negotiations, since they are much more likely, if not guaranteed, to get what they want.
Nonetheless, Aung Min said this as a warning. This can only mean one of two things. First, even if democrats do win the election, the EAOs will still have to deal with the military, which will not only continue to be warlike, it will be angry at the election result. Or, secondly, Aung Min is telegraphing something that the world does not know, but which has clearly already been decided at the top level of the dictatorship. The election will be rigged and the regime will maintain both political and military power. And, it will still be angry and will openly follow its only true objective with the ethnic nationalities, which is to conquer them completely and turn the country into a Burman State.
Once again, to repeat the point in my article, Burma Election Scenarios, the last thing that the EAOs want is to sign a false peace and then watch the dictatorship steal the election. The Senior Delegation must stay firm. It must reject any deal until after the election is completed and the results are known.
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BURMA ELECTION SCENARIOS
Special ContributionBy Roland Watson(dictatorwatch)
Jul 17, 2015
Tin Aye, chairman of the Union Election Commission
NCA negotiations
The senior negotiation team for Burma’s Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) has begun its talks with the country’s military dictatorship. While the team has said that it is prospectively willing to sign a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement before the election announced for November 8, this position needs to be viewed in practical terms. This is a political stance, to show the world that the ethnic nationalities are trying. However, until the dictatorship agrees to include all armed organizations in the NCA; to stop its attacks against them (which continue on a daily basis); and to accept the EAOs’ amendments to the current draft, no deal is possible.
It is important to understand that the real EAO goal is freedom, not “peace.” If peace means no freedom, then there should never be a deal. The question is, who would benefit from such a peace? The answer: a large mafia of criminals against humanity, as well as their cronies both inside Burma and among international diplomats and corporations. The only peace worth pursuing is peace on the ground, starting with peace of mind, for the ethnic nationality peoples. The only way in turn that this peace can be achieved is for the dictatorship to be removed from power, and for the Burma Army to be sanitized of its criminals and put under the control of a truly democratic and federal government.
The question, then, is does the upcoming election offer the possibility of such a transition? After all, the last thing that the EAOs want is to sign a false peace and then watch the dictatorship steal the election. They would then have participated in legitimizing military rule forever. Instead, the only logical course is for the EAOs to postpone signing anything until after the election, to see what happens, although they can of course continue to talk.
Election scenarios
To consider the election, it is essential to realize that what is happening in Burma is unprecedented. A totalitarian regime, and which maintains control through violent repression and a constitution that it imposed after a fraudulent referendum, is supposedly going to allow a democratic vote. This is unheard of. Dictatorships hold elections all the time, but they are never free and fair, just staged exercises to give their regimes a veneer of legitimacy. Examples of these include the periodic votes in China and North Korea, and the Zimbabwe election in 2013. Somehow, though, it is supposed to be different in Burma.
There are six basic scenarios for the upcoming election, as follows: One. The regime postpones the election or cancels it altogether. While the ethnic nationalities are concerned about this, fearing that the excuse of continuing civil war will be used, in view of the preparations that are underway it seems unlikely. Indeed, the 2010 election as well as the national census were held under these conditions, with war. Given the regime’s past behavior, it is not a servicable excuse.
Two. The second scenario was that the NLD would boycott the vote, which it had threatened to do, and which would have completely undermined the election’s legitimacy. Of course, the NLD did boycott in 2010, and the election was held anyway, but in any case this is no longer an issue. Aung San Suu Kyi, ruler of the NLD, has decided that it will participate.
Three. The third option is that the election is held, with vote rigging by the regime - a variety of dirty tricks - in different areas. Through this the USDP would retain some if not many seats in Parliament. The likelihood of this scenario rests on its relationship to the dictatorship’s only real objective, which is to stay in power. This would be a lukewarm approach - something Burma’s generals are not know for - and which would bring a large number of real democrats to Parliament. Although in some ways it seems the most plausible outcome, the generals are unlikely to pursue it, to forestall such political certification of their opponents.
Four. A much higher probability is that the regime will steal the election outright. It would simply substitute votes or just lie about the counts, repeating what it did with the constitutional referendum. Then it would announce that it won, and that Burma is now fully democratic. The NLD and other parties competed, and lost. Many people believe that this is unlikely: that it would be too bold a move and that it would have many negative consequences for the regime. But, is that really so?
Renewed sanctions?
One possible consequence is that the West, particularly the United States, would reject a stolen vote and reimpose sanctions. This is extremely improbable. The U.S. is having a presidential election next year, and Hillary Clinton is the leading candidate. Neither she nor President Obama will reverse course on Burma now, and publicly admit that their policy change is a failure. It simply won’t happen. Also, the dictatorship’s new lobbying firm in Washington, Podesta Group, and which is close to Clinton, together with U.S. businesses, would do everything in their power to block any resumption of sanctions. Finally, while a rigged election might well lead to statements of Administration displeasure, it is also important to remember that the U.S. did nothing after Robert Mugabe stole the 2013 election in Zimbabwe. The same thing would happen with Burma.
Burma’s generals know all of this. They understand that the U.S. and Europe would complain, but that business would continue as usual and after a while the election theft would be accepted.
A new uprising?
The other potential consequence of course is that the people of Burma would rise up and protest the theft of their votes. This, unfortunately as well, is also very unlikely. There are five main components of any potential uprising: Suu Kyi and the NLD, student activists, Buddhist monks, the general Burman public, and the EAOs. The dictatorship has effectively neutralized them all.
Suu Kyi has been part of the regime for some years now, through being an MP. Her fondness for the military as well as her dislike of demonstrations are also well known (e.g., the failure of her commission to punish police use of incendiary devices in Letpadaung). Further, she has purged the top leadership of the NLD of dissenting voices (an outcome that also followed from the death of Win Tin), and has refused to groom a new generation of leaders. While it is certainly the case that many younger NLD members would openly criticize a stolen vote, and be more than willing to take to the streets, the fact that Suu Kyi would prohibit this, privately if not publicly, would prevent the formation of a large and determined NLD turnout. Once again, the consequences of her volte-face are undermining the quest for freedom in Burma.
For the students, there are now two distinct groups, the 88 Generation remnants and younger activists who are presently at university. For the first, it is difficult to say what would happen. Min Ko Naing and his colleagues would certainly be outraged by a stolen vote, but given how much suffering they have endured as political prisoners, it is an open question if they would protest publicly again. Their contribution to Burma has already been so great, perhaps it is even appropriate that others take up the torch of freedom. This clearly falls to the current generation of students, and who have been holding protests already most notably for education reform. However, many of the most active students were arrested by the dictatorship at Letpadan, starting with the leaders of ABFSU. This has been an obvious attempt by the generals to decapitate a new student movement, by blocking the participation of the most courageous individuals. There’s lots of students in Burma, though, so a new popular revolution is not impossible, particularly if some 88 Generation members do become involved.
For the monks, who played a critical role in the 2007 Saffron Uprising (after student leaders including Min Ko Naing as well as young NLD members were arrested), they too have been pacified. This time, though, it has not been through imprisonment. Rather, in a variation of the divide and conquer tactic employed against the EAOs, they have been split into two groups, nationalist Buddhists determined to cleanse Burma of Muslims, and who now openly support the regime (which is orchestrating the cleansing), and everyone else. It is important to recognize that the two different groups do exist - not every Buddhist monk in Burma is an extremist. However, given the heated and even genocidal rhetoric employed by the first group, the second has chosen to be silent. The consequence of this is that the Buddhist monk community is riven, and hence very unlikely to participate in a new pro-democracy uprising, at least in a large and systematic way.
For the general Burman population, it is worth remembering that it did not back up the students and monks in 2007, at least in massive numbers. The protests reached one hundred thousand, not one million. Therefore, since such leadership is unlikely now, for the reasons just described, its participation in public demonstrations is even less probable. To this we can add the effects of the dictatorship’s “reform.” As yet another variation on divide and conquer, the generals have allowed new (but limited) economic opportunities for Burmans living in the country’s towns and cities, while continuing to repress harshly the ethnic nationalities. Burmans are being ruled with what you might term “dictatorship-lite.” This in turn follows the example set by China, where the public has been redirected to a potential, but for the vast majority false, economic freedom, and with harsh repression restricted to anyone who continues to demand democracy, as well as the Muslim Uyghurs from East Turkestan - the new “common enemy” (which established the model for Burma’s destruction of the Rohingya).
Finally, while the EAOs retain their arms, and - hopefully - will continue to oppose, with force if necessary, large exploitation projects in their homelands, they too have been pacified to some degree. One consequence of the never-ending ceasefire negotiations is that the EAO leaders have said again and again that they do not want to fight, that they prefer a political solution, even when there is none. Such a stance, so often repeated, has set a precedent that will make truly unified and offensive action very difficult to initiate. The need for a real armed revolution to protect their peoples and to defeat the dictatorship, which so many military analysts view as essential if the country is ever to be free, is now farther from realization than at any time since 1962 and the seizing of power by Ne Win, the first modern age Burman dictator.
With all of this in mind, it is therefore clear that public revolt, either in the streets or in the mountains, and which many people assume would follow a stolen election, is actually quite far-fetched.
Five. The next election scenario is that the vote will be free and fair, and Parliament will be populated by a completely new group of MPs and who are legitimately pro-democracy. Moreover, this seems to be the outcome on which so many people, starting with Suu Kyi, have based their hopes.
The problem with this, though, is that it conflicts with the objective of Burma’s supreme leader, Senior General Than Shwe, who retains absolute power behind the scenes. Than Shwe fancies himself a new Burman emperor. He even built a royal city, Naypyidaw, and where Parliament is based. It is unimaginable that he would permit a large collection of democrats to pollute his imperial dream. Of course, he could allow a democratic vote, and attempt to maintain control over the new Parliament through the military’s representatives. However, this position, over time, would be untenable - having a democratic Parliament clashing again and again with the dictatorship. This illustrates, once again, that Burma’s election is unprecedented. The idea that a democratic Parliament can be formed, and draft one reasonable law after another - on freedom of expression and association and the press, on ethnic rights and federalism, on land thefts and sustainable development, etc., only to see all such laws opposed and in all likelihood blocked, is unthinkable.
Six. The final scenario is a military coup, under the terms of the current constitution, whereby the dictatorship seizes renewed, overt control of Burma, using as its excuse the need to preserve the country’s integrity - to prevent widespread unrest from popular protests or civil war. In fact, the real decision that Than Shwe faces right now is whether to steal the election outright, or launch such a coup - either before the vote or shortly after. One imagines, again, that he will let the vote proceed, because of the preparations already underway. The choice then becomes to steal the vote outright, or have a limited set of dirty tricks and then wait to see how many seats the USDP secures. If it is less than a dominating majority, the result will be abandoned (as in 1990), and the military - under Min Aung Hlaing - will take control.
An open question is if there would then be a counter-coup by officers who are secret democracy sympathizers. More likely, though, is that Than Shwe would launch a North Korean style purge of any officers deemed suspect.
Conclusion
I argued in the article, Subvert Burma’s Election!, in January 2014, that the best course of action was to prevent the vote. Democracy isn’t achieved this way, so why bother going through and thereby supporting the dictatorship’s propaganda charade. Much better would be to grasp the problem at hand, how to overthrow the regime, which isn’t as difficult as it seems since the Burma Army has been seriously weakened by years of fighting with the EAOs.
Unfortunately, again due to Suu Kyi’s leadership, this course was not taken. Whatever scenario plays out, it is certain that the ultimate result will be a disappointed and angry general public, an even larger increase in political prisoners, and yet more conflict between the Burma Army and the EAOs. The “reform” will also stop completely. (It already has.) And, the task of defeating the dictators will remain as pressing as ever.
What Burma’s pro-democracy movement needs are new and determined leaders, such as the student leaders now under arrest and the younger officers now rising through the ranks of the EAOs. The current leadership has failed. It has been too timid. This isn’t to say that many current leaders aren’t excellent, such as the members of the EAO senior delegation. They are. But, they need to make room for younger individuals, and to redirect their goal to real peace, freedom and democratic change, not the false peace and false reform that they have been outmaneuvered - by both the generals and the U.S. - to accept.
Fortunately, one other outcome of the election, once it does not turn out the way she expected, will be a further reduction in the reverence for Suu Kyi and her credibility. She has been the principal barrier to a real pro-democracy movement for more than two decades, going back to her unwillingness in 1990 to ask Burma Army soldiers to join the movement, and her objection ever since to working with the ethnic armies. The election outcome will once and for all reveal the naivete - the stupidity - of her strategy, which all but her most brainwashed disciples will be forced to accept. Then, with her influence destroyed, many new avenues for resistance should quickly become apparent.
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Stop Terror and Repression – Release Struggling Peasants Immediately
villageers of Sipasarubali Mouza
On 6th June 2015 huge police force numbering 700 with deadly weapons attacked and injured several struggling villages of Sipasarubali Mouza under Brahmagiritaluka of Puri district of Orissa. Police has arrested 33 villagers including women and assaulted them. Government force has exerted wide spread terror and repression. They have arrested comrade Basudev Das, the important leader of all India khet mazdoor sabha from his resident.
For a long time people of Sipasarubali wedge peaceful relentless struggle under the banner of Upakaliya Jami-o-Jangal Suraksha Sammttee (UJJSS), supported by AIKMKS to protect the land and the forest from land mafia, forest mafia and from natural disaster. Agitation was going on for a long time and the UJJSS was able to protect the area. Several times agitation faced with external armed attack goons and government police. This is well known fact that long Orissa coast is perennially cyclone and flood prone region. Even years after years people living in coastal region suffered serious devastation. Many a times the coastal people helplessly witness that hutments and homes being washed away or swallowed by high tidier waves of the sea and their lives and livelihoods had been destroyed.
Central and state government are very much aware of this fact but continuously government refuses to act on many valuable suggestions made by the scientists. Not only this natural protections that were present in the coast like mangroves sand domes and the forest, are allowed to be endlessly destroyed. Seriously effecting the environmental balance, depriving people from their traditional means of livelihood like fishing and uprooting the people from their land and cultural life and social environment, the government is planning to hand over the vast coastal areas to MNCs’ or to Indian big bourgeoisies in the name of Developing hotels industries and tourist outfits.
The demand of people was refused by state government. Now they are determined to destroy the area for the narrow interest. Many attacks in the past were resisted by the people. But on June 6th 2015 the organised attack by the huge police and assaulting the villagers and subsequently arrested 33 villagers and spread terror and repression throughout the region. They have also issued warrant of arrest against comrade Srikant Mohanthi, the secretary of Orissa CMS and leader of AIKMKS.
District collector of Puri district invited villagers to discuss the matter. The villagers have agreed to discuss the matter and accordingly the leaders went to office of collector. Seeing the representative of industrial development corporation were also present at the meeting the villagers refused to talk to IDP. Government is planning to hand over the area to IDP to build infrastructure for the corporate houses and destroy the forest and subsequently evicting the villagers from the land and homes. But on 6th June government acted as agents and goons of MNCs’ and proved that they are against the people, land and forest.
AIKMKS strongly condemned the heinous and brutal attack on the peoples’ movement and demand the following— 1. Immediate release of arrested people. 2. Withdraw all false cases unconditionally. 3. Withdraw order of arrest of the leaders without delay. 4. Stop harassment and and repression immediately. 5. Cancel the Shamuka Hotel project proposed to be set up in Sipasarubali mauza and accord the legal rights to the local poor who have freed the area from the illegal occupation of land mafias’. 6. Abandon the plans like coastal high ways that are harmful and dangerous to the environment.
Date- 19/06/2015 Com. Jagdish Sharma Member Delhi state committee AIFTU (New)
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BURMA’S NCCT DEBACLE
Special ContributionBy Roland Watson(dictatorwatch)
May 24, 2015
Arakan Army
Amazingly, we are once again at another potential failure point for Burma’s ethnic nationality pro-democracy resistance. Personally, I can’t believe that we have to go through this again and again. It is intolerable that Kwe Htoo Win (from the KNU) is General Secretary of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), and that he keeps making ludicrous statements - now focused on the idea that a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) can be signed without the TNLA, MNDAA and AA. (These groups, along with the KIA, are engaged in heavy combat with the Burma Army, resisting its invasion into their homelands.) It is also dreadful that some other NCCT delegates have publicly considered this possibility as well.
The ethnic resistance has three strengths: unity, its guns, and the fact that it HAS NOT signed the NCA. While the first is in some ways suspect, with the breakaway of the KNU and the SSA-S to the regime’s side, there was remarkable unity at the Ethnic Armed Organization (EAO) leadership meeting in Pangsang, as reflected in its statement. For the second, the EAOs in recent years have put up a very good fight and caused massive losses for the Burma Army, first in the Karen area before KNU Chairman Mutu Say Poe’s treason and now up north. And for the last, not signing the NCA gives the ethnic groups great leverage. The regime and its international allies want the NCA more than anything else. First is the question of why, and second is the issue of what happens after. Why is simple. Not only will no NCA make it much more difficult for the regime to steal the upcoming national election, more fundamentally - following Suu Kyi’s surrender, and since with this the ethnic resistance is the ONLY serious resistance left in Burma - a signed NCA will mean an ethnic surrender as well, and through this the complete collapse of the country’s pro-democracy movement. If this happens, even the ethnic guns won’t make a difference. With an NCA in place, any subsequent conflict will be blamed on the EAOs, even though it is unquestionably in self-defense. The floodgates will open to publicly branding the EAOs as insurgents - which has already begin, and after this, as terrorists.
An NCA will also be used as justification by the West to increase its military cooperation with the regime, ostensibly as geopolitical positioning against China. Indeed, and counterintuitively, signing the NCA will lead to the EAOs’ worst fear being realized: the United States arming the Tatmadaw against them. The leaders of the EAOs must understand Western views on what is happening in Burma. As hard as it is to accept, it’s really only about the money, corporate money. Freedom and democracy, crimes against humanity, have zero priority. And, for corporate money, it starts with the natural resource money in the ethnic nationality states.
Signing the NCA without the TNLA, MNDAA and AA will break ethnic unity. That is traitor Kwe Htoo Win’s goal, and apparently even deemed an acceptable move by others. (The entire purpose of the NCCT from regime collaborator Harn Yawnghwe’s perspective - he was the driving force behind establishing it, using EU money - is to destroy ethnic unity.) Even worse, it will completely sideline the ethnic groups. They will lose all their leverage. No one will care about the ethnic cause anymore, and if they do fight, for any reason, they will be called terrorists. The Burma story will move on to the election, and, for the West, to finding a way to legitimize a second Thein Sein Administration, or, more likely, a Min Aung Hlaing Presidency. Dictator-behind-the-scenes Than Shwe will be laughing so hard that he falls down, and will no doubt open his most expensive bottle of wine or whisky to celebrate.
The risk, once again, could not be more grave. It is essential that the draft NCA not be signed by the EAO leaders. Indeed, it would be a huge mistake to sign anything - if this were even possible - before the election. In addition to the other core demands - the end of conflict, human rights abuses, and that everyone sign, the argument that it has to wait until after the election, so the EAOs can deal with the new leadership, is irrefutable.
In conclusion, it is time to deal with the problem-making NCCT. It should be shut down, using as the rationale the idea that its work is done. It negotiated a draft NCA, but which is flawed. The dictatorship would not compromise on any of the ethnic nationality core issues. Harn’s subversive vehicle therefore should be abandoned, and instead we should directly confront the question of what is really required to overthrow the dictatorship, as well as end the West’s support for its tyranny over all the people of Burma.
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Rally Against Land Ordinance on 5th of May at Sansad Marg
Special ContributionBy Bhumi Adhikar Andolan
Farmers Protest in India
Friends,
The collective of people’s movements and organizations who organized the mass rally on 24th February at Parliament Street against the Land Acquisition Ordinance of the NDA government have emerged as the national platform in the name of “Bhumi Adhikar Andolan” working all over the country to advance the struggle of the farmers, workers and the larger public against the draconian Land Acquisition Ordinance 2015. Bhumi Adhikar Andolan demands the withdrawal the anti-farmer and anti-people ordinance and demands a change in the government policy of loot of land and natural resources through unconstitutional ways. Bhumi Adhikar Adnolan demands the recognition of the rights of people over natural resources and vowes to intensify campaign for land rights of farmers, landless groups and adivasi all over the country. The campaign also demands recognition of the rights of the workers of the country, when the NDA Government promoted ‘Make In India campaign’ attempts to promote cheap labour without respecting the dignity and value of labour.
Thousands of representatives from various farmer organizations, trade unions, women organizations, youth organizations, including urban poor, fish workers and tribals will be a part of the rally to be held on 5th of May, 10 am at Sansad Marg, Delhi. The Modi Sarkar, which is favoring the interests of the corporates at the cost of livelihood of thousands and impacting the most marginalized section severely, is leaving no stone unturned to bring the land ordinance. Land acquisition is being carried out at full speed in various parts of the country and in many places the disagreement expressed by people is being brutally suppressed. The tax exemptions offered to corporates in the 2015-16 budget, the land ordinance and a series of amendments which are expected in other crucial acts like those relating to forests and coasts are bound to strike the lives and livelihoods of lakhs of people in this country and leave them with no choice but to become migrants laborers and lead a life of extreme poverty, vulnerability and uncertainty. The most glaring example is the firing and lathi charge that took place in Kanhar dam protest against illegal land acquisition on 14th and 18th April in District Sonbhadra, UP.
In a press conference held on 2nd of May at IWPC, Delhi the activists associated with the movement for land rights appealed to all the pro-people, progressive and secular forces to join hands for “Bhumi Adhikar Sangharsh Rally” on 5th May at Parliament street to protest against the anti-people move of the NDA Government of bringing ordinances on the sensitive issue of land without any consultation or regard to farmers-workers, agriculture and nature of this country. The press conference was addressed by Hannan Mollah from the All India Kisan Sabha (36 Canning Lane), Atul Anjan from the All India Kisan Sabha (Ajoy Bhawan),Satyavan from the All India Krishak Khet Mazdoor Union, Roma from the All India Union for Forest Working People, and Bhupinder Singh Rawat from NAPM. National Alliance for People’s Movements (NAPM), All India Union of Forest Working People (AIUFWP), All India Kisan Sabha (Ajay Bhawan), All India Kisan Sabha (Cunning Lane), Akhil Bhartiya Krishak Khet Mazdoor Sangathan, Lok Sangharsh Morcha, Yuva Kranti, Jan Sangharsh Samanvaya Samiti, Chhatisgarh Bachao Aandolan, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti, Sanyukt Kisan Sangharsh Samilti, INSAF, Delhi Solidarity Group, Kisan Manch, Bhartiya Kisan Union Contact: 9958797409, 9810423296, 9818905316, 9911955109
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India: AAP Transparency Vs Aam Aadmi
Special ContributionBy Rakesh Manchanda
Fast & furious traits are getting packed in a fantastic secret pact. Midnight 11:45pm was the correct time chosen to avoid undivided attention by new judges in AAP. Non transparent night has a power to hide the facts and will not question the fast priority to a big leaders issue. If you cannot adopt a compromise you will be kicked out. Fear of the united AAP members as volunteers to revolt has forced this autocratic anticipated move by few decision makers. Fear now controls the fate of the Champions of transparency and the `honest` Changemakers in AAP. This is the same `fear` of people`s revolt that forced the autocratic British Jailer to hang Sardar Bhaghat Singh a day in advance. During midnight the bodies of 3 hanged revolutionaries as folk tale narrates were cut into small pieces, stuffed in sacks and was smuggled out of the Jail back door to get the funeral last rites performed. This midnight conspiracy against transparency will be the haunting waterloo for AAP Top leaders.
These are big leaders not ordinary ones. Sample a very small 3 day fast gathering of ordinary volunteers demanding inner democracy in AAP in September-2014.Pankaj Gupta office manager then at 40,Hanuman Road ordered to park a car outside the gates to hide the Public view of fasting volunteers. The remark used for fasting volunteers at that time was `Kachara` (dirt) although the protest permission by Police was granted in advance. Shabaas (cheer up!) the loyal grievance complainers have been promoted to become judges in the new disciplinary committee of AAP. Today the broom Jhaadu symbol giver along with donation certificate provider and blue Wagon R gifted to Arvind Kejriwal all stand illegal and donators want to claim them back. Thanks to AK-67 new fear.
Original founder members are replaced by 60 to 66 MLAs while volunteers are replaced by bouncers and the counter revolution continues. This is just a beginning. With only four original members out of 4000 plus removed the Admin problems with no transparency and no hearing the inner democracy is bound to bleed. Hanging freedom fighters and revolutionaries was not new in Pre-Independent India. Cases were filed and even then when India was a slave there was a Public hearing. British Governance new invented Fear during the Sardar Bhaghat, Rajguru and Sukhdev was that crowd of people outside the Jail gates was swelling and therefore swift and fast decisions were taken.
Bhagat Singh once stated that merciless criticism and independent thinking are two necessary qualities to shape up a revolutionary thought. Swami Vivekananda quote stands bang correct today :Fear is death, fear is sin, fear is hell, fear is unrighteousness and fear is wrong life. All the negative thoughts and ideas that are in the world have proceeded from this evil spirit of fear. : Swami Vivekananda.
How will Arvind Kejriwal`s good Governance try to win back 4000 plus activists and the `honest` fence sitters ? This will be interesting to see and unfold. Reason for insulting and showing door to Lokpal-Admiral Ramdas still remains unanswered. Justice leading to one sided execution of freedom fighters to gallows was missing during British days. Today after 65 years the `Public hearing` joins `justice` and both stand missing as victims with a shame. Long Live ! Transparency & Democracy.
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Public-Police Tension needs Human Rights Hearing: East Delhi`s Trilokpuri Nine-9 Victims Cry for Justice
Special ContributionBy Rakesh Manchanda
Communal riots in Trilokpuri
Success is a process. Sachin Tendulkar in the past while using the above stone throwing motivation after surpassing Brian Lara's run tally in Tests demonstrated it. As Delhi stakeholders let us transform the healthy Cricket anger and Public Pressure to perform well in daily Life.
Can Police achieve success against stone throwing in line with Tendulkar bad patch performance comment in the past ? It is not important how much we value police, politician and public in such cases. How long we value power and its misuse with the same feelings is more important. In my recent article on International Women`s Day, I had tried to sketch the future Delhi Police Public engagement possibility via self defence under new AK-67 government.
Media coverage of the nine gunshot victims testimony of Trilokpuri puts my above engagement anticipation upside down. Police paying a compensation of 10.7 lakhs with one day salary to the nine gun shot victims stand appreciated. Efforts of a new image building in Police are findings supporters. Effective coverage on civil society empowerment still needs an insurance of better jobs to the drug users’ unemployed young minds. Illegal liquor and gamble environment still stand protected by Police-Politician bribe hungry Nexus in Trilokpuri. Allow the gun Shot Victims to speak.
Trilokpuri recent joint meet called by Hindu, Muslim, Sikh,Isaee(Christian) Ekta Committee chaired by Riyazuddin Saif & Tilokpuri Nagarik Prena Samitii to exhibit 5 gunshot victim story spills a lot more. Ashish Kumar (21) was injured in the riots and lost his right leg in surgery was given Rs 3.5 lakh in this police compensation.
Chetan has been discharged from the hospital the bullet is still lodged in his spinal cord as doctors couldn't take it out. Young fifteen years old boys took pains to narrate how the gun shots pinned them down when they were trying to hide and dodge the stones. Streets were littered with stones and smashed glass bottles. Five cars and two ATMS were also damaged Leg injury victims were given Rs 25,000 and those with bullet injuries were given Rs 1 lakh and above. An angry father wanted to return the police compensation cheque of Rs.25000/- as he had spend more then Rs.55000/- on his son recovery. Praveen (28 yrs.), one of the nine victims, explained how the riots are over but scars remain.
Stone and bottle throwing by mob under panic and fear was mis-reported as angry for a provocation excuse by Police on those three days-23rd-26th.Oct-2014.Police FIR points out how the constable fired in self defence using the service revolver.67 arrests were made. Clashes left 70 injured, including 56 policemen. The hard working daily wage class according to Rakhi Gupta since Diwali night Oct 23 suffered when clashes broke out between Hindu and Muslims over a petty issue of a firecracker bomb burst in someone house.
Conflict management habits with dialogue in Jan Sunvai rather then use of stone-bullet driven pressure remains the prescription of Trilokpuri Nagrik Prerna Samittee. Dipak Dholakia a concerned alert citizen stressed on the citizens unity. Parents must stop and keep a check on their kids was the view of a RSS activist whose son was a victim. We had been asking the Delhi government to compensate the victims for long”-said Rakhi Gupta of Trilokpuri Nagrik Prerna Samitee.
List of grievances are different in East Delhi with Trilokpuri. Here the well to do not want to trust the poor Jhuggi dwellers who are alleged to be the users of drug, country liquor and unemployment all qualified for riots. Locals in Trilokpuri complain that young ones picked up stones to settle the communal tension fanned by politicians to polarise votes. Middle class Vs Poor Daily wage Earners Firing pattern to control a communal clash that left nine injured now pits the middle class Vs the poor wage earners in a Pubic dialogue.
Why communal riots pattern continues in Trilokpuri ? At times middle class suspects daily wagers and even labels them as possible trouble makers. Beat constables who use this as an opportunity to earn bribes are there to profit. Interestingly are the same set of voters who are not ready to run their daily works without maids, drivers, plumbers and vegetable vendors- all reside in nearby slums. Few daily wagers caution my findings with their old reasons as to why according to them the oral contract workers should be never be made permanent. What is missing to explain is why they have failed to be the wise masters to monitor and motivate productivity at worksites via servants. They also fail to understand as to how can the rapes and chain snatching and robbery stop when under Delhi Government and MCD schools the contractors are free to collect signed salary of school guards fixed at Rs.10,252/- but in actual the worker is given only Rs.5000/- per month.
Can we have a crime free drug free, bribe free police public engagement in Trilokpuri ? Police argument in public and private remain same that they need better guns, water cannons, rubber bullets and better tools of communication. AAP help lines now are getting ready by the new government but are unable to provide local trained trouble shooters and vanguards in time. Police objectivity with no preventative plans stands lacking.
The challenge remains for a good governance delivery. Vishal Singh an AAP legal cell & juvenile activist promised coordination with AAP top decision makers. Need of the hour is to consolidate locals to build mohalla samatti to collectively control the emergency troubles. AAP Seva teams needs to work on a uniform Swaraj format and evolve a guideline mechanism for fire fighting with better organisational handling. Newer and better Delhi is bound to bounce back in near future with a possible Swaraj-Self Rule or Peoples Raj instead of Police Raj.
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